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奥巴马告别演说双语全文

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当地时间10日晚间,美国总统奥巴马在芝加哥向美国民众发表离任告别演说。演讲中,他对美国民众给予他的支持表示感谢,并盛赞自己的家人和工作团队。说到动情之处,奥巴马几度落泪。

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此间,现场人群打断奥巴马讲话,呼喊“再来四年(总统任期)”。奥巴马回应称:“我可做不到”。

奥巴马离职告别演讲稿曾经过多次的修改,撰写此次发言稿的科迪?基南从上个月奥巴马在夏威夷度假时开始撰写初稿,他在撰写和修改演讲稿的过程中回顾了奥巴马上任以来的历次演讲以寻求灵感,其中包括了奥巴马2004年在民主党全国代表大会上进行的演讲。

在向支持自己的人致谢时,奥巴马首先谈到了自己的妻子米歇尔。他刚一说出“米歇尔”,现场便爆发掌声,人们纷纷起立向“第一夫人”致敬。奥巴马称,在过去的25年中,米歇尔不仅是他的妻子、孩子的母亲,还是他的朋友。他赞扬米歇尔优雅又不失硬朗,有自己的风格,同时又幽默。说到动情处,奥巴马流下了眼泪。

中英对照原文(部分段落缺少译文):

Hello Skybrook!

It’s good to be home!

Thank you, everybody!

Thank you.

Thank you.

Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

It’s good to be home.

Thank you.

你好,芝加哥!回家的感觉真好!谢谢,谢谢大家!(省略N个谢谢)

We’re on live TV here, I’ve got to move.

我们在直播呢,我要开始演讲了。(现场观众非常热情,掌声不停啊。。。)

You can tell that I’m a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.

你们叫我“跛脚鸭”总统好了,没有人听从我的指示。(掌声依然停不下来。。。)

Everybody have a seat.

大家都坐下吧。(求你们了。。。)

My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people — in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts — are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.

在过去几个星期里,我和Michelle收到了各种美好的祝愿,我们非常感动,感谢大家对我的支持。今晚我仍然要向你们表达我的感谢,是你们,身处各地,各个场所的每一位美国人让我保持真诚,是你们给了我灵感,并一直激励着我前进。我每天都在向你们学习,是你们让我成为一个更好的总统,成为一个更优秀的人。

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.
我第一次来到芝加哥还是20岁出头的时候,当时我还处在找寻自我的阶段,还在为自己的生活寻找方向。就在离这不远的一个社区,我开始参与教会团体工作。在这些街区,我看到了信仰的力量,看到了劳动人民面对困境和失意时那种安静的尊严。就是在这里,我了解到只有普通民众都参与进来,变革才会发生,只有我们的力量联合起来,社会才会进步。

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government.
现在八年时间过去了,我仍然坚信这一点。我相信,这不只是我自己的一个信念,也是我们整个美国思想的核心所在——对自治进行大胆地尝试。

It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
我们的信念一直是,生来平等,造物者赋予我们一些不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命、自由以及对幸福的追求。

It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.
这些权利,虽然人人都有,但并不能自动实现。我们,每一个公民,必须通过民主的工具,来创建一个更加完美的国家。

This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination — and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.
这是造物者赐予我们的礼物,我们拥有用汗水、辛劳和想象力去追逐我们的个人梦想和自由,同时也承担有团结一致,实现更高目标的义务。

For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan — and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
这就是为什么我们说美国是独一无二的。我们的国家并不是一开始就是完美的,但是我们已经展示出了改变的能力,并为每一位追随者提供更好的生活。

Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
是的,我们的进步并不均衡,民主工作也一直很艰难,同时存在一定的争议,并且有时是血腥的。每向前迈两步,给人的感觉往往是还要往后退一步。但是美国在漫长的发展过程中,我们一直锐意进取,不断拓宽我们的信条,去拥抱所有,而不仅仅是其中一部分。

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — you might have said our sights were set a little too high.
如果八年前,我告诉你们,美国将扭转大衰退,重振汽车行业,并创造出历史以来最多的就业机会;如果当时我告诉你们,我们将与古巴人民开启一个新的篇章,停止伊朗核武器计划并揪出9/11事件的幕后主使;如果当时我告诉你们,我们将实现婚姻平等,为另外2000万的同胞赢得健康保险的权利;如果当时我告诉你们这些,你们可能会说我的目标定得有点高。

But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
但是现在这就是我们所做到的,这就是你们所做到的。是你们促成了这些变化,你们让希望成真,也正是因为你们,现在的美国比我上任时变得更好、更强。

In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.
十天之内,世界将会见证我们民主的一个标志:通过自由选举,将总统的权利和平地移交给下一位总统。我向当选总统特朗普承诺,我会为他提供最平稳的过渡,就像布什总统之前为我做的一样。因为我们所有人都需要确保政府可以帮助我们应对目前面临的诸多挑战。

We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.
我们需要去应对这些挑战,因为我们仍然是地球上最富有、最强大也最受尊重的国家,我们的青年和发展动力,我们的多样性和开放程度,我们应对风险和进行革新的能力,都在向我们表明未来应该是属于我们的。

But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

但是,只有我们保持民主这些潜力才会发挥出来。只有当我们的政治反映出人民的正直,只有我们所有人,不论党派关系或特殊利益,都有助于推动我们实现共同目的的渴望时,这些潜力才会发挥出来。

That’s what I want to focus on tonight — the state of our democracy.
这就是今晚我想说的重点——我们的民主国家。

Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.
要知道,民主不需要同一性,我们的领袖会争吵,会妥协,但他们知道民主需要一种基本的团结意识,虽然我们存在各种差异,但我们仍要团结一致,共同进退。

There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism — these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.
历史上总会有一些时刻会威胁到这种团结,本世纪便是这样的时刻:世界不断变小,不平等持续扩大,人口变化以及恐怖主义蔓延,这些因素不只是对我们国家安全和经济繁荣的考验,也是对我们民主的考验。我们如何来应对这些挑战,将决定我们是否有能力教育好我们的孩子,创造优质的工作,并保护我们的家园。换言之,它将决定我们的未来。

Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.

Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system — that covers as many people at less cost — I will publicly support it.
在过去五十年以来,现在的医疗保健成本正在以最慢的速度上升。如果任何人能够制定一个明显优于目前医疗保健系统的改进计划,并尽可能覆盖更多的人,那我一定会公开表示支持。

That, after all, is why we serve — to make people’s lives better, not worse.

But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind — the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful — a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
我当选后,出现了一种说法是美国进入后种族时代(种族歧视已经不存在),这只是一个愿景,并不是现实。因为种族问题在我们的社会中仍然是一种强有力的分裂力量。虽然这一问题得到了某种程度的改善,但我们每一个人都需要做出更多的努力。毕竟,如果每一个经济问题都被看作是勤劳的白人中产阶级和不受欢迎的少数民族之间的矛盾,那所有种族的工人只能是争夺蝇头小利,而富人坐收渔翁之利。

There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

And so we must forge a new social compact — to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There’s a second threat to our democracy — one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago — you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.

But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face — the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ’60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.
这一切都不容易。对于我们中的太多人来说,退回到我们自己的温床里最安全,无论是我们的社区或大学校园或礼拜场所或我们的社交媒体中,和那些与我们相似,有着同样的政治背景,从不质疑我们的假设的人相处最舒适。赤裸裸的党派之争、日益增加的经济和区域分层、媒体的分裂都成为政党宣传的工具——所有这一切使得这种区分似乎变得自然,甚至是不可避免的。我们变得躲在自己的泡沫里,只接受符合我们意见的信息,而不是基于现有证据形成自己的观点。

This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.
这不是总是使政治如此沮丧的那部分吗?当我们建议将财务经费投入到孩子们的学龄前教育时,选举官员对赤字感到如此愤怒,但是当为公司削减税收时,为什么不感到愤怒?其它党派做出道德沦丧的事情时,我们紧紧抓住不放,但为什么当我们自己的党派做出相同的事情时,我们却选择原谅?这不仅是不诚实,而是对事实进行选择;这会自取其咎,因为我的妈妈曾经告诉我,“事实总有一天会暴露在你面前。”

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.
在短短8年时间里,我们减少了对外国石油的依赖,使我们的可再生能源增加了一倍,并带领世界达成了一项拯救地球的协议。如果不果断行动,我们的孩子将不会再有时间来辩论气候变化的存在;因为,他们将忙于应对其影响:环境灾难、经济破坏和寻求庇护的气候难民潮。

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.
我们能够、也必须讨论解决这个问题的方案。假装问题不存在不仅背叛了后代,它暴露了这个国家的本质精神。

It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It’s that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles — the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists — including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.
由于我们的官员、执法人员和外交官的非凡勇气,无论男性还是女性,在过去八年中,没有外国恐怖组织成功实施对我们的家园的袭击,虽然波士顿和奥兰多提醒我们激进组织的危险性,单我们的执法机构比以往更加具有有效性和警惕性。我们已经制服了数万名恐怖分子——包括乌萨马?本?拉登。我们领导的全球联盟已经牵制了伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国领导人,占领了大约一半的领土。伊黎伊斯兰国将被摧毁,任何威胁美国的人都将被制服。我们的现役军官,成为你们的总司令是我一生的荣幸。

But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.

That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties.
这就是为什么,在过去八年中,我一直致力于在一个更坚定的法律基础上努力打击恐怖主义,这就是为什么我们能够结束折磨,关闭关塔那摩湾(以作为美军的拘留营而著名),并改革我们的监管法律,以保护隐私和公民自由。

That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights — to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights — no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression.
这就是为什么我反对歧视穆斯林美国人,这就是为什么我们不能退出大规模的全球斗争——我们要扩大民主、人权、妇女权利和LGBT权利,无论我们的努力有多么不完美。因为,这是捍卫美国的一部分。为了反对极端主义以及宗派主义和沙文主义,这是与反威权主义和民族主义侵略的斗争。

If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point — our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.
这也是我想要表达的最后一点:当我们把民主视为理所当然时,我们的民主就会受到威胁。我们所有人,不论党派,都应该致力于重建我们的民主体制的任务。当投票率是发达民主国家中最低之一时,我们应该使投票更容易,而不是更难。 当我们的组织信任度降低时,我们应该减少金钱在政治中的腐蚀性影响,并坚持透明度和道德的公共服务原则。当国会功能失调时,我们应该吸引我们的地区鼓励政客迎合大众需求,而不是僵化的极端。

And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.
所有这一切都取决于我们的参与;我们每个人都有公民的责任,无论权力以何种方式摆动。

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power — with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.
我们的宪法是一个了不起的,美丽的礼物。但它真的只是一块羊皮纸。 它自己没有力量。 而是我们,人民,赋予它的权力——我们的参与,和我们做出的选择。 我们是否支持我们的自由,是否尊重和执行法治。美国并不脆弱,但是,我们漫长的自由之旅的成果并不确定。

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.

Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life.

If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere.
如果你厌倦了在网络上与陌生人争论,尝试在现实生活中与他们进行谈话吧。如果有什么需要改变,那就系好你的鞋带,组织一些事情。如果你对你当选的官员感到失望,可以拿一张剪贴板,拿一些签名,自己去办公室,出面,深入追究,坚持不懈。

Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.
有时你会赢,有时你会输。假设别人都具有善良的美德可能是一种风险,而且会有一段时间,这个过程会让你失望。但是,对于我们这些有幸成为这项工作的一份子的人来说,仔细想想,我可以告诉你,它可以使每个人得到激励和启发。在这个过程中,你对美国和美国人的信心将得到证实,而我的信仰已经得到证实。

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

You’re not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.
感谢Michelle,在过去的25年中,你不仅是我的妻子和我的孩子的母亲,也一直是我最好的朋友。你所要承担的这个角色并不是你自己要求的,但你却用优雅、坚韧、独特的风格和幽默感成功地完成了角色转变。你使白宫成为属于每个人的地方。而新一代的年轻人视野会更高,因为他们有你作为榜样。

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.
感谢玛丽亚和萨莎,你们成为了两个了不起的年轻女性,聪明和美丽,但更重要的是,善良和周到,充满激情。你们在聚光灯下承受了多年的负担。在我一生中所做的所有事情中,我最为自豪的是成为你们的父亲。

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.
副总统拜登,是我做出的首个提名,也是最棒的提名。不仅仅是因为你是一个伟大的副总统,也是因为我收获到了你这样一个兄弟。你就像我的家人一样,与你的友谊也是我生活中的一大快乐所在。

To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.
对于我那些杰出的工作人员,八年的时间,甚至对其中一些人来说,时间还要更久,我被你们的精力所感染,回想你们每一天的表现,你们的性格、心灵和理想。八年的时间,其中有些人由单身,到结婚生子,开始自己人生路上的新旅程。虽然世事艰难,但你们一直没有被打倒,你们让我自豪。

And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.
对于你们所有的人,每位搬到陌生城市的组织者,每一名敲门宣传的志愿者,每一名第一次投票的年轻人,每个为这种变化努力的美国人,你们是最棒的支持者和组织者,我将永远感激在心,因为是你们改变了世界,是你们的功劳。

That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.
这也是为什么,我虽然离开仍保持乐观的原因所在,因为我们的工作不仅仅是帮助到很多人,更是激发了很多美国人,尤其是年轻人,相信你们可以有一番作为。

This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.
这一代美国人无私、富有创造性,并饱含爱国精神,你们相信公平、公正和包容,你们知道不断保持变化是美国的标志,所以不要害怕,拥抱这些变化,你们会愿意承担这项艰巨的民主工作。你们很快就会超越我们这些人,我相信,未来在你们手中。

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.
我的同胞们,为你们服务是我的荣幸。我不会停止为你们服务,以后我将作为一个公民,与你们站在一起。最后,就像八年前一样,我希望你们能够坚持我们最开始的信念,那些来自奴隶和废奴主义者争取平等的信念,那些移民和自耕农人群的奋斗不息的精神,以及那些对于民主自由权利的争取,这些也是每一位美国人的信念,未来的篇章等待着你们去谱写。

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.
我希望你们相信——相信你们带来变革的能力,而不是我。

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:
我希望你们能够坚持我们最开始的信念,那些来自奴隶和废奴主义者的想法,那些移民和自耕农人群的精神,以及那些正义的追随者的信仰,这一信念是每个美国人的核心信念,未来的篇章等待着你们去谱写。

Yes We Can.
是的,我们能行。

Yes We Did.
是的,我们做到了。

Yes We Can.
是的,我们能行!

Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.
谢谢!愿上帝保佑你们,愿上帝保佑美国!


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